Information on all facets of K state education programs with links to a variety of resources on the Internet. Los Angeles County Board of Education.
But if you want to understand the politics of authoritarianism in America, the place to start is not with Trump, but with the cool-kid Founding Father of the Obama era, Alexander Hamilton. The show is a Tony Award—winning smash hit, propelling its writer, Lin-Manuel Miranda, to dizzying heights of fame and influence.
However, it should be granted one unqualified plaudit at the outset: And its construction and success tell us a lot about our current political moment.
Before it was even written, the play was nurtured at the highest levels of the political establishment. While working through its material, Miranda road-tested song lyrics at the White House with President Obama. When it was performed, Obama, naturally, loved it.
And in Washington, D. Admiration for the play crossed the political spectrum. So did Dick Cheney, prompting Obama to note that the wonder of the play was perhaps the only thing the two men agreed on.
Trevor Noah asked if Bernie Sanders, who had just seen the play, ran for president just so he would be able to get tickets. Rahm Emanuel, the mayor of Chicago and former White House chief of staff, raised eyebrows by jetting off to New York City to see a performance of Hamilton the night after Chicago teachers went on strike.
And after Trump won, Hamilton became a refuge. Given how Democrats, in particular, embraced the show and Hamilton himself as a paragon of social justice, you would think that he had fought to enlarge the democratic rights of all Americans. He was an authoritarian, and proud of it.
To assert Hamilton disliked democracy is not controversial. Better to steer safely clear of the freight train of publicity and money behind the modern Hamilton myth. One exception is amateur historian William Hogeland, who noted in a recent Boston Review essay that Hamilton had strong authoritarian tendencies.
His central role in founding both the financial infrastructure of Wall Street and a nascent military establishment which supplanted the colonial system of locally controlled democratic militias was rooted in his self-appointed crusade to undermine the ability of ordinary Americans to govern themselves.
We should be grateful not that Hamilton structured the essential institutions of America to fit his vision, but that he failed to do so.
Had he succeeded, we would probably be living in a military dictatorship. Father of Finance Viewers of the play Hamilton have a difficult time grasping this point.
It just seems outlandish that an important American political official would argue that democracy was an actively bad system. But the idea of openly opposing the hallowed ideal of popular self-government is simply inconsistent with the past two hundred years of American political culture.
Indeed, the shifting popular image of Hamilton is itself a gauge of the relative strength of democratic institutions at any given moment. Mellon was the third richest man in the country, famous for, among other things, having his brother and chairman of one of his coal mining subsidiaries extoll the virtues of using machine guns to enforce labor discipline.
During the next decade, as populists put constraints on big money, Hamilton fell into disrepute. In several men tried to organize an uprising against the Continental Congress.
Morris was the wealthiest man in the country, and perhaps the most powerful financier America has ever known, with the possible exception of J. His chief subordinate in the plot was a twenty-seven-year-old Hamilton, former aide-de-camp of George Washington and delegate to the Congress.
After the war, army officers, then camped out in Newburgh, New York, had not been paid for years of service.
Morris and Hamilton saw in this financial-cum-political crisis an opportunity to structure a strong alliance between the military elite and wealthy investors.
Military officers presented a petition to Congress for back pay. Congress tried to pass a tax to pay the soldiers, while also withholding payments owed to bondholders.Hidden Hand Interview With Hidden Hand, Alleged Ruling Bloodline Priest "Remember, always, that this is a beautiful game that we are playing here and co-creating together with our Infinite Creator.
The Articles of Confederation can be referred to as the first ‘constitution’ of the United States and set out how the Federal government was to run, including implementation of United States of America, as a certified name for the new nation. Essay about The Articles of Confederation and the US Constitution - After the Revolutionary War, the newly formed United States still had a major task ahead of them.
They had to form a new government that would satisfy the demands of the people and ensure the success of their nation. Articles of confederation created in , was the first constitution of the United States of America. The Articles of Confederation had served as the agreement between the thirteen sovereign states and was ratified by The Articles had served as the start of a new government that had brought many benefits and prosperity to the country.
Creation And Purpose Of The Articles Of Confederation History Essay Published: November 27, After colonies received their independence from Great Britain, each state was different from each other and had its own form of government.
The Articles of Confederation - A few hundred years ago, the United States first Constitution, the Articles of Confederation, was created.